Guide to the Kingdom of Denmark
Cracks in the Kingdom of Denmark
There actually always has been.
But now dreams of independence have gained momentum from unprecedented external pressure, and the question of the future of the Danish Kingdom hangs in the air.
We have gathered everything you need to know about the Danish Kingdom. The shared history with everything that unites us. The conflicts and differences that divide us. And we attempt to look into future scenarios and find answers to where we are headed.
Chapter 1: Community
Curious Vikings, a missionary expedition, European wars, the pursuit of power, and chance have historically created the union – the community – that Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and Denmark constitute today.
And it is inherent in the word that it is something we share, something we are collectively part of.
The Unity of the Realm is based on mutual dependency. Besides a shared history and cultural amalgamation in Greenland and the Faroe Islands, this dependency can be boiled down to two parts: economy and responsibility.
Since 1980, financial transfers from Denmark to Greenland have been consolidated under one term: the block grant.
- Pastor Hans Egede embarks on an expedition to Greenland to spread Christianity. The expedition is supported by Frederik IV.
- Christian VI orders the expedition to halt as the prospects for economic gains become too distant, but the pastor convinces the king to continue supporting the mission due to the many baptized Greenlanders.
- Merchant and landowner Jacob Severin takes over the monopoly on trade with goods from Greenland.
- The General Trading Company takes over the monopoly, but in 1776 it is transferred again – this time to the Royal Greenland Trading Company.
- The Treaty of Kiel officially transfers ownership of Greenland to Denmark, and in the following years, around 50 trading posts are established.
- Greenland does not receive voting rights following the constitution in 1848, but eight years later, they are granted local councils –elected assemblies – that manage local affairs in Greenland.
- The Church Act comes into effect, and Greenland ceases to be a mission field. Instead, a deanery is established.
- The Act on the Administration of the Colonies in Greenland (Greenland Act) establishes two regional councils – one in Godthåb (Nuuk) and one in Godhavn (Qeqertarsuaq). Here, Greenlanders can submit proposals to the authorities in Denmark.
- Denmark sells the former Danish West Indies (Now US Virgin Islands) to the United States and has its claim to full sovereignty over the entire territory of Greenland recognized.
- All of Greenland is incorporated into Denmark's governance.
- Norway occupies areas of East Greenland, where Norwegian seal hunters have significant interests. Denmark asserts its sovereignty, and two years later, the International Court of Justice in The Hague rules that Denmark has sovereignty over East Greenland.
- Denmark is occupied by the Germans, and contact with Greenland is severed. The two governors take over the government and seek connection with the United States, which is neutral at the time.
- The Greenland Treaty is signed by Henrik Kauffmann, Denmark's ambassador in Washington, and the U.S. government. The United States later establishes military bases in Greenland.
- The period during World War II gave Greenland a taste for more self-determination in Nuuk (Godthåb), but the monopoly and isolation continued. However, significant investments were made in welfare, such as education and healthcare in Greenland.
- A new constitution is voted on, integrating Greenland into Denmark and granting it two seats in the Folketing, elected in Greenland.
- Seventy percent of Greenlanders vote against the European Community (EC), but Greenland still follows Denmark into the EC.
- Greenland attains home rule.
- The funds that Denmark has continuously transferred to Greenland are formally converted into a block grant.
- Greenland withdraws from the EC but negotiates an arrangement that allows continued free access to the European market for the sale of fishing licenses.
- Greenland gains self-government.
Sources: Denmark's National Encyclopedia, Naalakkersuisut, Folketinget.
Since the introduction of Greenland’s Self-Government Act in 2009, the grant has been frozen at 3.4 billion Danish kroner, but it is adjusted according to Danish inflation.
Therefore, the amount in 2023 was 4.1 billion kroner. With the block grant, Denmark supports a standard of living and a welfare society that Greenland, with its current economy, could not otherwise achieve.
And the grant is of great significance to the Greenlandic economy. Today, it constitutes about 50 percent of the self-government’s revenues, whereas in the late ’70s, it was closer to 80 percent.
The block grant is far from Denmark’s only financial support to Greenland. The Danish state also pays for the operation of around 30 fields, where significant expenses such as the judiciary, police, and prisons also accumulate large costs. In total, the operation costs 1.5 billion annually.
5.6 billion kroner from Denmark to Greenland. Every year.
It may sound like a lot, but the figure should be seen in light of Denmark’s total public expenditures. That amount is 1,200 billion kroner.
And suddenly, 5.6 billion kroner – or what corresponds to less than 0.5 percent of the state’s expenditures – does not seem like much. The block grant and the operation of areas indeed cover only 57,000 people, but it also covers 98 percent of the Kingdom’s total area.
No one has calculated what Denmark and Danish companies earn from Greenlandic fish exports, and there are also unaccounted expenses, such as Denmark’s involvement in Nuuk’s new airport. That amount is estimated to be around 500-600 million kroner.
The economic relationship between the Faroe Islands and Denmark is also tied to an annual block grant.
But unlike Greenland, the amount is not inflation-proof, and the Faroese are currently reducing the support from Denmark.
From 2015 to 2022, the grant was fixed at 641.8 million kroner annually. And over the current election period, the Faroese government will cut 25 million kroner per year, so the grant will fall to 541 million in 2026.
The expenses for the operation of specific fields cost Denmark 200 million kroner annually. The significant difference compared to the corresponding amount of 1.5 billion kroner in Greenland can be boiled down to differences in geography and climate – the distance between towns, lack of infrastructure, and a harsh Arctic climate.
And in fact, the block grant constitutes only about 10 percent of the Faroese self-government’s total revenues.
It is worth noting that the Faroe Islands are approaching 54,000 inhabitants—close to the same as Greenland.
Thus, the Faroe Islands are far less dependent on the block grant, and this is due to an economy that has managed to create the growth necessary for the block grant to be phased out.
Economic support is, so to speak, one side of the coin. On the other side, we find responsibility.
And here another concept of the Unity of the Realm comes into play: Field of responsibility
Since the Faroe Islands gained home rule in 1948 and Greenland in 1979, Denmark has continuously transferred fields and relinquished greater responsibility. These fields include legislation and administration, taxes and duties, regulation of commercial fishing, primary schools, and healthcare.
When Greenland’s government – Naalakkersuisut – and the Faroese government have taken over fields of responsibility, it is called assumption. In principe. Greenland and the Faroe Islands can assume all areas and take over responsibility from Denmark – with a few notable exceptions.
The constitution, citizenship, the Supreme Court, foreign, security, and defense policy, currency, and monetary policy cannot be assumed. This is stipulated in the Home Rule Acts of 1948 and 1979.
But when fields are assumed, they are not financially compensated for it. Greenland and the Faroe Islands must finance the fields they assume themselves. The block grant will not increase – on the contrary, the goal is that they should eventually free themselves from the grant.
But it has proven more difficult than expected to assume fields of responsibility.
»Greenland must develop self-government in the future and take on economic responsibility for new fields«, said then Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen at the opening of Folketinget, the Danish Parliament, in 2008.
But in the 15 years since then, Greenland has only assumed the field of mineral resources, offshore work environment, and time zone determination. Since 2010, the only thing Greenland has assumed is the decision on the time in different parts of Greenland. These are three fields that require very few resources, while the approximately 30 fields of responsibility Denmark account for include major tasks such as police and the prison service.
Greenland
Cannot be assumed
- The constitution
- Citizenship
- Supreme Court
- Foreign, security, and defense policy
- Currency and monetary policy
Fields managed by Denmark but can be assumed by Greenland
- Workers' compensation
- Remaining areas under healthcare
- Traffic regulations
- Property law
- Diving regulations
- The Prison Service
- Passports
- Police and prosecution, including related parts of criminal justice
- Judicial system, including the establishment of courts
- Criminal law
- Immigration and border control
- Personal law
- Family law
- Law of wills and succession
- Legal practice
- Weapons regulations
- Radio-based maritime emergency and safety services
- Radio communications
- Corporate, accounting, and auditing regulations
- Food and veterinary regulations
- Aviation
- Intellectual property law
- Copyright
- Shipwrecks, salvage, and depth impairments
- Maritime safety
- Ship registration and maritime law
- Mapping
- Navigation marking, lighthouse illumination, and pilotage
- Marine environment
- Financial regulation and supervision
- Work environment (except offshore work environment, which was assumed in 2010)
- Meteorology
Faroe Islands
Cannot be assumed
- The constitution
- Citizenship
- Supreme Court
- Foreign, security, and defense policy
- Currency and monetary policy
Areas managed by Denmark but can be assumed by The Faroe Islands
- The Prison Service
- Financial institutions and their supervision
- Aviation
- Public insurance
- Healthcare expertise and quality control of healthcare, medical services, midwifery, hospital services, except for epidemiology
- Industrial property rights
- Passport authority
- Police and prosecution, including related parts of criminal justice
- Judicial system, including the establishment of courts
- Legal practice
- Special care
- Immigration and border control
For the Faroese, the situation is somewhat similar. They have not had the same dry spell in assumptions but still lack assuming the major, heavy fields of responsibility.
And there is a clear reason why Greenland and the Faroe Islands have not taken on more responsibility: They simply lack the money for it.
Chapter 2: Greenland in the center of the world
The Unity of the Realm is, as we know, a trinity, but we will keep the Faroe Islands out of the next two chapters.
Although there are not significant differences between Greenland’s and the Faroe Islands’ governance, Greenland holds a notable trump card: its size and location.
From a security and geopolitical standpoint, Greenland is situated at the epicenter of major global politics. To the east lies Russia, to the west Canada and the USA, and in the middle is Greenland.
This positioning grants Denmark – which handles all foreign policy matters concerning Greenland – substantial power on the international stage.
»Denmark will disappear from the world map the day Greenland becomes independent«, influencer Qupanuk Olsen said in an interview with Politiken.
She referred to the fact that Greenland constitutes 98 percent of the Kingdom’s area and is located in a geopolitically and security-politically crucial position. Denmark is essentially the size of a country like Belgium, yet we are among the USA’s closest allies. This is not only because we have been particularly pro-American since World War II, but also – and especially – due to Greenland and the power play over the Arctic.
Here, the dependencies within the Unity of the Realm become more complicated, as Denmark is not alone in defending Greenland. The USA is also obligated – and perhaps privileged – to do so.
The USA must assist Denmark in securing Greenland, which is why the US military has »the right to free access and movement between defense areas throughout Greenland«, as stated in the 1951 defense agreement.
The US military presence began with the Thule base, where the Americans already had a weather station from World War II. With the 1951 defense agreement, the USA established a real base the following year – which in 2023 was renamed Pituffik Space Base – but the agreement with Denmark means that the Americans can change and increase their military presence at any time. They only need to »inform and consult« the Danish government and Naalakkersuisut.
Therefore, one might wonder why the USA suddenly wants much, much more to do with Greenland.
Just as tensions between East and West during the Cold War brought American soldiers to Greenland, it is also with reference to »world security« that US President Donald Trump wants more control over Greenland. If one imagines a Russian nuclear attack on the USA, most missiles would take the shortest route – over Greenland.
After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, global fronts have become more sharply defined. Again, it is the West and NATO on one side and Russia supported by China on the other. And Russia controls 53 percent of the Arctic coastline.
Trump is particularly interested in the ability to monitor what is happening beneath the ocean surface and above the clouds in the Arctic. As the 1951 defense agreement emphasizes, there is nothing stopping the Americans from doing so.
Nevertheless, Trump has spent the beginning of his presidency threatening Denmark with tariffs and refusing to rule out the use of military force if Denmark does not comply.
»Greenland is a lovely place. We need it for international security reasons. I am sure Denmark will comply«, Trump said on his first day back in the White House.
»There are Russian ships everywhere, there are Chinese ships – warships – and they (Denmark, ed.) cannot handle it«, he added.
At the same time, the melting ice in the Arctic means that new trade routes north of Greenland could open in the future.
And it is in this light that we should view Trump’s aggressive overtures.
Chapter 3: A blessing or a curse
At the bottom of deep mines, Greenlanders may find a blessing from Mother Earth. An enormous wealth that could provide Greenland with economic strength robust enough to sustain an independent country with welfare akin to Denmark’s.
This includes rare earth metals – or minerals – which are increasingly in demand and used in wind turbines, electric cars, and weapons.
Let’s examine the potential in the form of two mountains located quite close to each other – near the town of Narsaq in southern Greenland.
Before we delve into the potential, let’s establish one thing.
Mining in Greenland is extremely costly. Enormous investments amounting to billions are necessary, and as it stands – with plenty of other mines around the world – it is not profitable. Therefore, Greenland is more likely seen as a depot, a storage site where it may become worthwhile to extract raw materials and rare earth metals in the future when other mines run dry.
Kvanefjeld (Kuannersuit) is believed to contain 1.5 million tons of rare earth metals. At Kringlerne (Killavaat Alanngut), it is estimated that 26 million tons can be extracted. Kvanefjeld is further along in the process towards extraction, but the project has encountered significant problems.
The mine at Kvanefjeld has been the subject of massive controversy in Greenland, and the discussion was pivotal in the 2021 election, which was dubbed the uranium election. Múte B. Egede and the IA party won, among other things, with the promise to reinstate the zero-tolerance law, which prevents the extraction of uranium and other radioactive substances.
Kvanefjeld also contains uranium.
Thus, the Greenlandic government put a spoke in the wheel of the mining project, leaving the Australian mining company Energy Transition Minerals (ETM) as the big loser. They financed the project and have now demanded compensation of 76 billion kroner for lost profits and futile investments. If they succeed, the bill will be passed on to the Danish and Greenlandic government leaders, potentially leading Greenland directly towards state bankruptcy.
For now, Greenland has chosen to uphold the law and engage in the legal battle. After the election on March 11 2025, the new Government in Greenland decided to keep the law in place, unlike in 2013, when the law was temporarily abolished whe the Siumut party gained power.
Already today, mining for raw materials takes place, and here the commercial aspect is also struggling. The Nalunaq gold mine has no significant economic impact, while the mine in Citronfjorden, which contains zinc and graphite, is a more realistic project that could have economic significance.
And what about Denmark – should Greenland share the profits if they strike a gold vein in the future?
Not much. The subsoil belongs to Greenland, as stated in the 2009 Self-Government Act, so if Greenland were to generate massive revenues from rare earth metals in the future, there is a cap on how much would go to Denmark.
This means that with revenues of 1 billion kroner, the block grant would be reduced by 0.5 billion. If revenues increase to the point where the Danish block grant reaches zero, Denmark would, in principle, not receive any more.
The rare minerals make Greenland even more interesting to the world’s major powers.
This is also among the reasons for Trump’s offensive – not only because he smells a good business opportunity but also to keep other nations away. Especially China.
And here, it is important to understand two things.
First and foremost, China has a monopoly on rare earths. 98-99 percent of all rare earths either come directly from China or are at least processed in China.
Secondly, although the earths are called rare and are indeed highly sought after, expensive, and difficult to obtain, they are not rare. There are large deposits of earths in the USA and Europe, but Americans and Europeans have not been willing to live with the extensive environmental costs associated with subsequent processing.
The Chinese were, and now they are miles ahead of the rest of the world in the technology required. They even have patents on much of it.
Chapter 4: The Kingdom in turmoil
When Greenlanders and Faroese talk about an independent future, they look to Iceland.
Here lies the example that it is possible to break free from the Kingdom and the close ties to Denmark.
When Christian IX became the first Danish king ever to visit Reykjavik in 1874, Iceland was already moving towards greater self-determination. They achieved this gradually over the decade, until they gained home rule in 1904.
- Denmark and Norway unite under one king, bringing Iceland under Danish rule.
- Iceland undergoes the Reformation and becomes Protestant like Denmark-Norway. The monarchy confiscates church property, making the king Iceland's largest landowner.
- Absolute monarchy is introduced in Denmark-Norway, which two years later also includes Iceland. Iceland is governed as a territory from Copenhagen but maintains the Althing, believed to be the world's oldest parliament.
- The Althing is dissolved with the introduction of Danish legal practices. Instead, a national court is established in Reykjavik.
- The desire for more independence leads to the revival of the Althing as an advisory assembly.
- The Althing rejects a proposal from the Danish state for an Icelandic constitution.
- Denmark passes a law granting Iceland its own constitution, limited legislative power, and increased self-governance. Executive power remains in Denmark.
- Christian IX is the first Danish king to visit Iceland. In the same year, a ministry for Iceland is established under the Danish Minister of Justice.
- Iceland attains home rule, and Jón Magnússon is appointed as the first Minister for Iceland. Icelanders still consider themselves an integral part of the Danish realm.
- Iceland becomes an independent and sovereign nation-state in personal union with Denmark, as the Act of Union is passed by both Denmark and Iceland. The union means Denmark and Iceland share the Danish king, and Denmark handles Iceland's foreign affairs and coastal defense.
- Denmark is occupied by Germany, and Iceland is occupied by Britain. Iceland assumes the authority of the Danish government and king, taking over foreign affairs.
- The Althing in Iceland repeals the Act of Union from 1918, and the country becomes a republic.
Sources: Danish National Encyclopedia.
Fourteen years later, Iceland became an independent state in union with Denmark, which still handled foreign affairs among other things. This relationship is reminiscent of the current state between Denmark, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands.
And in 1944, when Greenland and the Faroe Islands had yet to achieve home rule, Iceland broke free from the union and the kingdom – a republic was born. This did not happen with Denmark’s goodwill, but the Icelandic independence movement took advantage of the fact that Britain had control over Iceland while Denmark was occupied by Germany.
Since then, Iceland has applied for membership in the EU, with which they have close ties in many areas, and the country is among the founding members of NATO – despite not having its own military, but a coast guard.
At the same time, Greenland looks to Iceland’s large tourism industry.
With the opening of a new airport in Nuuk back in November 2024 and in Ilulissat in 2026, Greenland is open for business. The unique nature, Inuit culture, and wildlife are to be attractions for future tourism.
- Norway and the Faroe Islands unite with Denmark in a union under the Danish king.
- Since the Viking Age, the Faroe Islands have been closely tied to Norway, but this connection ends after nearly 800 years with the Treaty of Kiel, where Denmark cedes Norway but retains the Faroe Islands. The Faroe Islands were technically part of the Norwegian kingdom until then, although their administration had been in Copenhagen for 200 years.
- The Lagting – the then parliament of the Faroe Islands – is dissolved.
- After the Treaty of Kiel, it proves difficult to incorporate the Faroe Islands into the Danish state. Therefore, adjustments are continuously made to Danish laws so they can also apply to the Faroe Islands.
- The Faroe Islands (and Iceland) are represented at the assembly in Roskilde by royal appointees. However, the Faroese are not represented by a native Faroese (Iceland is represented by Icelanders) but instead by Danish officials.
- The Faroe Islands apply for their own assembly, but this is rejected.
- The Faroe Islands apply again for their own assembly, but this is rejected once more with the reasoning that the Faroese are a simple people who lack the knowledge and education to maintain a popular representation.
- In the first Rigsdag (the name of the Danish parliament until 1953, which consisted of two chambers, the Landsting and the Folketing), the Faroe Islands are not represented as the Rigsdag passes the Faroese election law.
- Niels Winther is elected as the first member of the Folketing from the Faroe Islands.
- The Lagting is practically reinstated with an advisory popular representation, but with the constitution of 1849, this form of advisory representation is a thing of the past.
- The Faroese representative in the Folketing, Jóannes Patursson, is mandated by the Danish government to present the Faroese Lagting with a proposal granting the Faroe Islands greater authority, but a majority in the Lagting rejects the proposal.
- A new election law means the Lagting becomes an assembly consisting solely of elected representatives.
- The Danish government and the Lagting decide that Faroese and Danish should be equal as church and educational languages – something the Danish government had previously rejected several times in the preceding years.
- Britain occupies the Faroe Islands while Denmark is under German occupation. The British suppress the Faroese desire for independence, but it becomes clear that the Faroe Islands must address their relationship with Denmark once the war ends.
- A Faroese referendum leads to a narrow majority for secession, but the Danish government declares the referendum illegal and dissolves the Lagting.
- The Lagting negotiates home rule with an agreement that largely remains in effect today. The Lagting has legislative authority in specifically Faroese matters and can levy taxes in the Faroe Islands. However, the Faroe Islands – like Greenland – cannot take over foreign and defense affairs.
- Denmark joins the European Community, and the Faroe Islands are given three years to decide. They choose not to join the EC.
- The Landsstyre halts a planned referendum on Faroese self-governance as a majority in the population seemed unattainable. The Danish SR government maintained that the block grant would be phased out over four years should the Faroe Islands vote for independence.
- The Faroe Islands renegotiate the home rule agreement and gain greater ability to take over areas of jurisdiction.
Sources: Danish National Encyclopedia, Petra Mathilde Jørs (Ph.D. student at Diis), Føroya Landsstýri.
But perhaps it is actually the Faroe Islands that are closest to breaking away from the Kingdom.
At least based on two major, unavoidable parameters: economy and security.
While the debate about Greenland’s future and desire for independence has been highly intense, the Faroe Islands have quietly made themselves less and less dependent on the Danish Kingdom.
They have a self-sustaining economy, plans to reduce the block grant that has long been redundant, and the 18 small Faroese islands attract much less geopolitical interest.
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Greenland has self-governance, the Faroe Islands have home rule – is there a difference?
No, not really.
The linguistic difference is insignificant but stems from the fact that the Faroe Islands received an amendment to the existing home rule law from 1948 in 2005, while Greenland incorporated the home rule law from 1979 into the new self-governance law in 2009.
Both agreements meant that Greenland and the Faroe Islands gained more autonomy and greater ability to take over areas of responsibility, but regarding the terms home rule and self-governance, there was no difference.
Additionally, the government of the Faroe Islands is called the Landsstyre (landsstýri in Faroese), while in Greenland it is called Naalakkersuisut. The head of government in the Faroe Islands is referred to as the Lagmand, while Greenlanders refer to the Chairman of Naalakkersuisut.
So why don’t we talk about an independent Faroe Islands in the same way we talk about an independent Greenland?
»The Faroese are essentially in agreement on the issue of independence across the political spectrum. The Faroese are well-educated and have a booming economy, making them less dependent on Denmark. And Denmark’s control over the Faroe Islands has not left the same traumas as it has in Greenland«, explains Petra Mathilde Jørs, a PhD student researching the Faroe Islands as a non-sovereign microstate at the Danish Institute for International Studies.
»The struggle for independence is there, but it is played out with a different patience. The Faroe Islands are actually much closer to independence from an economic standpoint«, she adds.
Chapter 5: The Royal House and painful issues
There is hardly a greater symbol of the Unity of the Realm than the royal family.
Therefore, it was notable when the former chairman of Naalakasuitsut, Múte B. Egede, canceled a meeting at Amalienborg with King Frederik – it was January 8 2025, amid the inferno of foreign policy chaos created by Donald Trump’s statements. »Calendar gymnastics«, was the explanation from the self-government leader, who nevertheless found room in his schedule for a meeting with the king.
But nonetheless, it was a »symbolic demonstration of power«, according to royal historian Sebastian Olden-Jørgensen.
»The royal family plays no direct political role, so it’s all on a symbolic level. But it matters, because symbols can shift opinions. It’s soft power. And in the turmoil over Greenland, it’s a reminder that the royal family has an indirect role«, he explains.
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It is most common to say 'in' Greenland, while it is typical to say 'on' the Faroe Islands.
But why?
Greenland and the Faroe Islands are comparable in so many ways: They are both part of the Danish Realm, have their own flags, governments, national football teams, and languages, so why do we say 'on' the Faroe Islands if they are just as much a country as Greenland?
Here is an explanation:
Partly, it is a historical remnant from when the Faroe Islands had the status of a Danish county. Partly, it refers to the fact that the Faroe Islands consist of a group of islands.
Another explanation could be that the Faroese language does not distinguish between 'in' and 'on' – it simply uses 'í' and pronounces it uj, regardless of whether it is a country, an island, self-governance, or home rule. This can explain why it is not controversial to say 'on' the Faroe Islands. Conversely, it would be seen as a political statement to say 'in' the Faroe Islands.
It is entirely different with Greenland, where it would be more controversial to say 'on' Greenland. This may be because, while the Faroe Islands have been part of Norway and/or Denmark for over a millennium and culturally resemble Denmark, the Danish colonial history in Greenland began more recently.
But there are also other elements that constitute the glue in the Kingdom: The shared history and the Christian cultural heritage. 95 percent of Greenlanders and 76 percent of Faroese are members of the national church. And although a statue of the priest Hans Egede in Nuuk has repeatedly been vandalized, a majority of the municipality’s residents voted for it to remain standing.
»In a community, there are institutions and narratives that hold it together – despite differences and conflicts. And the royal family is one of the things that create a sense of community. One should not underestimate emotions, and on an emotional and identity level, the royal family has great significance«, Sebastian Olden-Jørgensen emphasizes.
And that has been needed. Over time, a number of issues have strained the relationship between Greenland and Denmark, and although the two government leaders, Mette Frederiksen and Jens Frederik Nielsen, stand shoulder to shoulder both physically and rhetorically, there are also current issues that test the Kingdom of Denmark.
The Spiral Case
In March 2024, 143 Greenlandic women sued the Danish state for violating their human rights. The common factor among the women is that in the 60s and 70s, they were involuntarily fitted with intrauterine devices (IUDs).
In November 2024, the Eastern High Court approved the Institute for Human Rights to join the case in support of the women.
The case began to unfold in 2022 when DR revealed that it had happened as part of an effort by the Danish state to reduce the birth rate in Greenland.
It emerged that from 1966 to 1970, 4,500 IUDs were fitted in a population of 9,000 fertile women.
The 143 women are demanding 43 million Danish kroner in compensation, equivalent to 300,000 each. In december 2025, a decision was made, granting the Greenlandic women remuneration.
Former government leader Múte B. Egede has called it »direct genocide« and said, »the things happening today and what happened in the past affect the relationship we have today. And my patience has run out«.
The FKU Case
In November 2024, a child in Thisted Municipality was forcibly removed from its Greenlandic mother.
A placement case that sparked demonstrations in Greenland and Denmark.
The removal was due to parental competence assessments – better known as FKU – which municipalities use to determine whether children should be forcibly removed.
The method can be used by municipalities in all cases of child placement, but it is criticized for not taking Greenlandic culture and language into account.
For example, parents are tested based on the Danish language, even though it is not their first language, and Greenlandic parents are assessed based on facial expressions that are appropriate for Western cultures but not for Greenlandic culture.
The Danish and Greenlandic governments have agreed to stop using FKU for testing Greenlandic parents.
Cases like these cannot be separated from the Unity of the Realm. They are part of our shared past and present.
Chapter 6: The Future of the Unity of the Realm
After President Donald Trump’s unequivocal statements that Greenland should belong to the United States, the fundamental question arises: is there even a shared future for the Kingdom of Denmark as we know it today, encompassing Denmark, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands?
The new U.S. security strategy is based on a drastic tightening of the old Monroe Doctrine from 1901. Originally, it was a sort of American defense of the two American continents against renewed European colonialism. Today’s version is much sharper and dictates that the U.S., in short, dominates and controls South and North America, and thereby also Greenland, which is part of the North American continent.
With the U.S. attack on and capture of Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro and President Trump’s desire to own Greenland, the world has changed. We might be entering the decades of predator nations with President Trump at the top of the food chain, a Trump who will only be limited by his own conscience.
The future of the Kingdom is thrown high into the air, and it is nearly impossible to predict how it will land and what the fallout will look like.
With that in mind, here are a series of possible future scenarios for the Kingdom of Denmark and the Unity of the Realm:
Scenario 1: Takeover
The U.S. takes over Greenland.
The U.S. opts for a full military invasion of Greenland. It would be impossible to stop militarily, regardless of support from the EU, major European countries, or the Nordic countries. It would solely be a question of whether American soldiers would face armed resistance.
An American takeover could also occur through a series of less dramatic steps, all of which share the common trait of taking time and being based on legal agreements. Neither of these factors seems to weigh heavily with Donald Trump.
Scenario 2: Independence
Greenland chooses to declare independence after a time-consuming process involving a local referendum and possibly new elections, with the approval of the Danish Parliament according to the Self-Government Act and the Constitution.
Afterward, several things could happen:
A: Greenland chooses not to negotiate with Denmark about continuing cooperation. Instead, the country decides to sell itself to the U.S. So far, not a single Greenlander or any Greenlandic political party has seen this as a good solution.
B: An independent Greenland becomes completely ’fenced in’ by the U.S., militarily, economically, and politically, with the U.S. taking over selected parts of the obligations that Denmark has today.
C: A formally independent Greenland enters into a so-called free association agreement with the U.S., where the U.S. – in exchange for economic compensation to Greenland – takes over foreign policy, defense of Greenland, and more. This is the model currently in place for several small island states in the Pacific.
Scenario 3: Complicated Negotiations
Supported by the Kingdom’s European allies and thanks to Donald Trump’s lack of focus and perhaps new and more serious problems for the White House, it succeeds in drawing the U.S. into prolonged and complicated negotiations that do not conclude during Donald Trump’s presidency. Despite the extremely difficult current situation, the Unity of the Realm can continue – possibly in a new form with renegotiation of the Self-Government Act for Greenland and the Home Rule Act for the Faroe Islands.
Regardless of how the Kingdom continues, there will be significant focus on security policy in and around Greenland – not least to counter the resurgence of Donald Trump’s ghost in a new American administration.
If the NATO alliance still exists, it will play a central role. So far, NATO – paradoxically at the request of both the U.S. and Denmark – has not considered the ice-covered part of the Arctic and Greenland as an area requiring the alliance’s attention in the form of military strategies and perhaps permanent military presence.
Scenario 4: Dissolved Unity of the Realm
Out of the ash cloud emerges an independent Greenland. Faced with the enormous threats to the country’s future independence, it chooses to continue its NATO membership and establish a free association agreement with Denmark. The Danish block grant continues, and Copenhagen will also partially manage the important and expensive power institutions in the country – especially defense, police, and the judiciary.
If the Faroe Islands follow suit and become an independent country, it could end with a free association agreement between the archipelago and Norway. In that case, the Unity of the Realm is dissolved. If the Faroese stick with Denmark, the Kingdom will be reduced to two countries.
A form of union between the three countries with a shared monarchy and otherwise very loose cooperation is also a possibility. It could resemble the British Commonwealth but would be a gigantic economic challenge for Greenland’s current economy and the Greenlandic model of a welfare society.
Sources
Danish Prime Minister’s Office, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Folketinget (Danish Parliament), Naalakkersuisut, Føroya Landsstýri, Danish Royal House, Legal Information, Denmark’s National Encyclopedia, Petra Mathilde Jørs, Ph.D. student at DIIS, Sebastian Olden-Jørgensen, lecturer and historian at the University of Copenhagen, Torben M. Andersen, professor at Aarhus University.
Redaktion
Text: Mikkel Østrup-Jeppesen og Jacob Svendsen
Graphics: Jens Bjerrum Mørch
Digital arrangement: Mads Djervig
Edited by: Annette Nyvang
Editors: Niklas Rehn, Martin Aagaard
og Johannes Skov Andersen